Opera IX - The Black Opera \/\/FREE\\\\
Opera IX est un groupe de black metal italien, originaire de Biella, dans le Piémont. Après plusieurs démos, le premier album du groupe, The Call of the Wood est publié en 1995. Cadaveria quitte le groupe en 2001 pour fonder son propre groupe, Cadaveria. En 2015 sort un nouvel album studio du groupe intitulé Back to Sepulcro.
Opera IX - The Black Opera
Opera IX est formé en 1988 à Biella, dans le Piémont[1], par Ossian. En 1990, le groupe publie sa première cassette démo intitulée Gothik. Plusieurs changements de formation mènent Cadaveria à endosser le rôle de chanteur, Ossian de guitariste, Vlad de bassiste et Flegias de batteur. Le style musical du groupe à ses débuts est un mélange de metal gothique, death metal et black metal. La seconde démo, composée de quatre chansons, mène à un contrat pour un 7" EP, qui sera publié en 1993. Les 500 premiers exemplaires sont vendus en deux mois. En attendant, le groupe filme The Triumph of the Death qui contient deux clips vidéo Born in the Grave et The Red Death.
I have set his Name down in the black-List, that's all, my Dear; he spends his Life among Women, and as soon as his Money is gone, one or other of the Ladies will hang him for the Reward, and there's forty Pound lost to us for ever.
W voice faculty member soprano Dr. Susan Hurley will join Reber on three solo songs composed by Margaret Bonds (1913-1972), who was one of the first black composers and performers to gain recognition in the United States.
Hurley said she and Reber have collaborated many times at The W and elsewhere. She showed the songs by Bonds to Reber earlier this semester and they became a natural choice once the decision was made to feature music entirely by black composers.
Reber, the choir director and collaborative pianist at The W, said Friday will be the first concert for the Chamber Singers in more than 18 months. He said he decided to program works of black composers to acquaint students with the quality and wide variety of compositions and to increase the name recognition of the composers.
The brief period in the 18th century when English opera tried tooutdo the Italian is shrouded in mystery because of lack of adequateinformation. The general belief is that Thomas Arne the elder formed andEnglish opera company which used J.L. Lampe and the younger Arne as the maincomposers. Further research reveals inconsistencies with the widely heldviews. There is no evidence for Arne and Lampe's collaboration and tosay that an English opera company was created is misleading.
One of the more mysterious episodes in the history of opera ineighteenthcentury London is the concerted attempt to mount English operaagainst Italian in 1732 and 1733. Champions of Thomas Augustine Arne havesometimes been inclined to see the flurry of English productions as evidenceof a heroic but doomed attempt to deliver London from its 'Italianbondage' (in Aaron Hill's oftquoted phrase).(1) The scantilyrecorded particulars, however, have never made a great deal of sense. Thefirst systematic study of this tangled subject was published by Phillip Lordin 1964.(2) Lord advanced our knowledge of the subject considerably, but wasworking under major disadvantages - he relied on Latreille rather than on TheLondon Stage for performance records, for example. His conclusions wererefined and emended by Roger Fiske a decade later.(3) No overview hasappeared since then, and scholars have differed sharply about some details.To judge from the pertinent parts of Opera Grove and Vol. 4 of The BlackwellHistory of Music in Britain,(4) something like the following summary must beregarded as the current consensus:
In March 1732 Thomas Arne the elder set up an 'English OperaCompany', which mounted Lampe's Amelia and Handel's Aais andGalatea before splitting in November into two competing companies thatemployed as their principal composers Lampe and the younger Arnerespectively. In the course of sixteen months, eight English operas wereproduced, with varying but considerable success. The experiment came to anend because Arne moved to Drury Lane in 1734 (Opera Grove, i. 207) or,alternatively, because the English performers 'were not strongenough' (Lord). Fiske states that only the first and last of the eightoperas 'can be counted successes' (p. 133), though Opera Groveinsists that 'The English opera company was not a failure' (ii.1090).
What is needed is new evidence, and fortunately we are able tosupply some. We have recently discovered an equity lawsuit filed in the Courtof Exchequer by John Frederick Lampe against five former partners: FrancisMartin (who served as treasurer), Thomas Ledlard (librettist of Britannia),the musician George Angell (whose involvement has previously been unknown),Thomas Augustine Arne, and William Hatchett (co-librettist of The Opera ofOperas).(5) Lampe's bill of complaint was not filed until May 1738, andit was not answered until November 1741, when Martin alone finally replied.By then none of these matters was fresh in anyone's memory, andMartin's bookkeeping proved as chaotic as one might expect of someonemoonlighting for a scratch venture. Nonetheless, Martin's answer tellsus a great deal about the protean organization of the enterprise, and itsupplies an invaluable list of nightly receipts. Expenditures are also statedin detail - not, unfortunately, in ways that always correspond tidily toperformances, but they do give us an idea of particular costs and an overallnotion of the condition of the enterprise. Using the lawsuit as ourcentrepiece, we shall attempt to rewrite the history of this episode. A goodmany points remain cloudier than we would like (especially about the'other' English opera group), but Lampe's suit fills manyblanks and solves a number of puzzles for his part of the experiment.
The public beginning of the English opera enterprise occurred earlyin 1732. On 25 February the Daily Post noted: 'We hear that there is aSubscription for a new English Opera, call'd Amelia, which will shortlybe perform'd at the New Theatre in the Haymarket, by a Set of Performerswho never yet appear'd in publick'. An advertisement in the samepaper the next day lists the agents from whom subscription tickets could beobtained.(6) A rehearsal 'before a great Number of Persons ofQuality' on 3 March reportedly 'met with very great Applause',and the opera duly received its premiere on Monday the 13th. Nine or ten moreperformances occurred in late March and the second half of April.(7)Subscribers' tickets were not taken after the fourth night. Noperformers were mentioned in the ads until 21 March, when a benefit noticeidentifies Miss Arne in the title-role. Benefits were advertised for her (24March), Mrs Mason (14 April), Snider and Waltz (24 April) and Henry Carey (25April). No performance ad names either librettist or composer as such. Someof this information was readily obtainable, for on the day of the premiereJohn Watts announced publication of the libretto (Daily Post, 13 March).(8)The title-page is unusual in ascribing the music to Lampe but not naming thelibrettist. Carey's authorship, implied by the benefit, is confirmed bythe inclusion of Amelia in his Dramatick Works of 1743. The dramatis personaeincludes one further performer, Kelly. Miss Arne was to become the Handeliansinger and celebrated tragic actress Susanna Cibber, and Gustavus Waltz wasalso to work regularly with Handel and enjoy a long and solid career; theothers were strictly nonentities and remained so. None was a name to conjurewith in March 1732.
Public expectations for this off-brand production cannot have beengreat, but it was clearly a triumph. No box-office figures have yet beendiscovered, but the unnamed sponsors would hardly have authorized so manynights beyond the subscription if the venture had not at least been coveringits costs. Ten or eleven performances were a lot in one season in the 1730s,even for regular plays - and by no means all of Handel's operas achievedsuch a total (admittedly running in a bigger theatre). Arts reportage in thenewspapers was close to nil at this time, but there is one extensive commenton Amelia that seems never to have been quoted in full by scholars. It occursin an anonymous pamphlet (possibly the work of Aaron Hill) called See andSeem Blind: Or, A Critical Dissertation on the Publick Diversions, &c.(9)After a bitter denunciation of John Rich as manager of Lincoln's InnFields, the author reports:
Clearly Carey and Lampe had tried to peddle their serious Englishopera-in-theItalian-style to John Rich for production at Lincoln's InnFields. Rich took a sour view of playwrights, but the attempt to interest himwas not lunatic. In 1728 he had made a major killing with John Gay'sexperiment, The Beggar's Opera. That had been a dialogue opera (and acomic one) to be sure, but as recently as 1726-7 Lincoln's Inn Fieldshad run a lot of performances of Bononcini's Camilla in English.Possibly Carey and Lampe approached Drury Lane as well; Lampe was merely abassoonist in the opera orchestra at the King's Theatre, but Carey hadcontributed music to pantomimes in the 1720s and had theatrical connections.Finding no takers, they arranged to stage Amelia at the Little Haymarket.
We state location rather than sponsor deliberately: the LittleHaymarket was a 'road house' that had no manager and no residentcompany. It was owned by John Potter, a carpenter who had built scenes forthe Italian opera about 1715. The Little Hay was available for hire to anyonewho wanted to take it for a night or a week - or, in exceptional cases,several weeks.(12) Little Haymarket productions worked largely on ado-it-yourself basis: much of the staff appears to have been supplied by thetenants. Someone occasionally scored a reputation-making hit at the LittleHaymarket, as Fielding had done in 1730 with The Author's Farce. Thetheatre was too small to generate large sums of money, but probably whatCarey and Lampe wanted most was publicity - which they clearly got. 041b061a72